By: Naeem Masood
Political shades have blended in such a way that no new outline is emerging, nor can any coherent thread of meaning be found. It cannot be said that thought and feeling have grown completely blurred, yet the shadows of restlessness are undeniably expanding. Considering the fragile state of today’s politics and democracy: “You cannot lock eyes; we cannot find a face.” At any rate, I have spent a lifetime attempting to understand two political parties which by no means implies that a third or fourth party was overlooked; after all, my life has been spent at the mercy of political parties.
Jamat-e-Islami (JI) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) are two entities that political commentators have at times deemed principled, and at times merely respectable. Then, “golden words” from critics would strike my ears claiming that the shelf life of both parties has expired. As a humble observer, I could never agree with this view, having seen the pitch of Pakistani politics support both swing and spin simultaneously, with the batsman facing a third constant fear: the umpire’s finger.
JI’s uniqueness lies in the fact that, despite being a religious party, it is not tied to any specific sect; its doors are open to all. Crucially, internal democracy lives within it through the golden principle of consensus. The election of its party chief (Amir) follows a strict protocol there are no declared candidates and no tradition of lobbying. Members vote for whomever they deem fit. Even if names are implicitly suggested, members retain full freedom of choice. Regular elections for the party chief are mandatory. From Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi down to Mian Tufail Muhammad, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, Syed Munawar Hassan, Siraj-ul-Haq, and Hafiz Naeem, there is not a single instance of dynastic succession. Its district, provincial, and central consultative councils (Shoora) operate through a cohesive system, and its public welfare services remain unmatched.
While JI was a symbol of resistance during General Ayub Khan’s era, it adopted a policy of accommodation under General Zia-ul-Haq. Its relationship with General Pervez Musharraf was limited to the MMA coalition, lacking educational or social alignment. Nevertheless, through every era, it has tended to the nation’s wounds during disasters. Historically, from Mian Tufail to Qazi Hussain Ahmad, the party favored the Muslim League while confronting the PPP as a left-wing rival. Today, JI has once again taken up the mantle against inflation, fulfilling a collective national duty (Farz-e-Kifayah) at a time when prices of petroleum and daily necessities are soaring. Whether the system has achieved anything else or not, it has divided journalists, scholars, intellectuals, teachers, youth, and elders across political, social, and linguistic fault lines. Everyone stands on a political, economic, and superficial edge, hoping for a miracle. The public seems unwilling to help itself a display not just of collective apathy, but of self-inflicted cruelty. Yet, some view JI’s protests against inflation as detached from ground realities, as though everything else in the country were operating realistically.
As for the PPP, if any party continues to advocate for the preservation and implementation of the 18th Constitutional Amendment, it remains the PPP. Asif Ali Zardari, a master of reconciliation, performed a historic parliamentary duty by voluntarily transferring power from the Presidency to the Prime Minister’s Office. He was also instrumental in securing provincial autonomy and the NFC Award during his first presidential term and the PPP government from 2008 to 2013. The finesse and decorum with which he has sustained politics and democracy since 2008 remains unprecedented. Some analysts even predict that if successful negotiations ever take place with PTI, Asif Ali Zardari will play a pivotal role. While most political parties, including PML-N, currently face confusion regarding provincial politics and new administrative units, the PPP’s stance remains unambiguous. Admittedly, pure politics or flawless statesmanship may not be available as a complete package from any single political threshold, but constitutional sustenance has consistently flowed from the PPP’s well, just as JI has remained vigilant regarding public distress.
Meanwhile, Maulana Fazlur Rehman’s current stance tilts closer to the PTI a move the Maulana is ready for, though the PTI remains hesitant. What tomorrow holds is uncertain even to the parties themselves, but from the 2006 Charter of Democracy to the PDM setup and recent governance affairs, PML-N and PPP have aligned on key decisions. Whether regarding constitutional amendments or provincial planning, it is essential that regardless of formal alliances the PPP, PML-N, and JI maintain harmony on constitutional reform and democratic survival. Broader consensus with other political parties is equally vital for the nation and its democracy, and there is no harm in constructive dialogue with the establishment, whose perspective is often valid.
The reality remains that not a single individual is safe from the monster of inflation. Despite international pressures and the fallout of global conflicts, protecting the public from economic hardship and paving a smooth democratic path remain the core duties of the government while nurturing constitutional and democratic values remains an obligation for all political parties.
